Jorge Luis Borges, an incorrigible anti-Peronist

A famous saying of Borges regarding Peronism, it is “Peronists are neither good nor bad; They are incorrigible.” Given the Argentinian writer’s well-known and persistent anti-Peronism, we believe he deserves to be considered “an incorrigible anti-Peronist.” That said, and to avoid misunderstandings, let us specify from the outset that in these lines we do not intend to criticize or defend Borges. Our goal is different. What interests us is to pass from the level of general statements to the concrete commentary of particular texts in which the author exposes his anti-Peronism.

Regarding the texts of BorgesAlthough they are not the only ones, for reasons of space we will limit ourselves to two which constitute an essential reference. The first of these is “The Monster’s Party”, a story written in collaboration with Adolfo Bioy Casaresunder the pseudonym of H. Bustos Domecq. Although the story was produced in 1947, it was not published until years later, and it can be assumed that said delay was due to the fact that the storyteller, given the well-known episode of the loss of his position in a public library, was reasonably prudent. On the other hand, it should be noted that indeed Borges He was not the only liberal author to produce a story referencing Peronism. as underlined Rodolfo Borello, in a book devoted precisely to Peronism in the Argentine narrative: “Among the narrators who have described this era, the liberals constitute the most important sector. Not only because of their quantity but, fundamentally, because of the variety of their approaches”.

Basically, the text is a story told by a narrator to a woman named Nelly, about the different adventures she experienced on her way to Plaza de Mayo, where she would finally hear the words of the “Monster”, to which the title of the story hints. Although this “Monster” is not mentioned by first and last name, it is implied that he is person. The story has a cartoonish undertone, where the narrator expresses himself in a unique way. To get an idea, let’s remember the beginning of the text: “I warn you, Nelly, it was a worthy civic event. I, in my flat-footed state, and prone to being gasped by my short neck and hippopotamus belly, had a serious fatigued adversary, especially calculating that the night before I had planned to sleep with the chickens, something not to remain as a crust in the execution of the feast”.

This is the tone that prevails throughout the story, even in the passage that could be considered the most dramatic, where the narrator and his companions kill a Jew on the way to the Square: “His hair was red; the books, under the arm and the study. (…) Tone, which is always the same, (…) he told the Rusovite to show a little more respect for the opinion of others, sir, and to salute the figure of the Monster. The other replied absurdly that he had his opinion. (…) The first blow hit him with one blow, Tabacman, and he scattered his gums, and the blood was a black stream. I got blood hot and hit him from another trip with a piece of rubble that crushed his ear and I’ve already lost count of the impacts as the shelling was massive. (…) When the bells of Montserrat rang, he fell, because he was dead”. This type of scene of cruelty and death carried out by supporters of personwhich recalls the single episode of The slaughterhouse of Esteban Echeverriawill certainly be repeated in the works of other anti-Peronist authors.

The second of the texts of Borges, “The comic illusion” is particularly interesting for the context in which it is carried out. The article appeared in issue 237 of the magazine Onfrom November to December 1955, that is to say shortly after the coup d’etat of September of the same year which overthrew the government of person. Perhaps most readers do not find such a number particularly significant, but we must nonetheless point out that it was, for it marks in Argentine intellectual history one of the hardest questions to Peronism posed by a cultural magazine. During the years of the Peronist government, the magazine Oncreated by victoria ocampo, had maintained a cautious attitude. as you commented Flavia Fiorucci in a work devoted to the relationship of intellectuals to the first Peronism: “During the years when person ruled, the message of the opposition was moved into On to a marginal position, to comment on a book, an exhibition or a concert. This means that, although it is possible to reconstruct a critical discourse on the government, the magazine does not assume the voice of the intellectual opposition of the time”.

However, once the Peronist government was overthrown, the situation changed dramatically. In the quoted issue of Onanti-Peronism is present with full force, as was pointed out in an article Judith Podlubne: “The emblematic number 237 (…) brings together above all the testimonies of authors who denounce the exactions and outrages which would have characterized the “dictatorship” of the past twelve years, while reflecting on the restoration of values, “restoring the truth”, who have no doubt that the new regime will bring them”. In other words, under the slogan “For national reconstruction”, this number of On Not only is he dedicated to censoring the “excesses” that have been committed under the Peronist government, but he is also calling for a “reconstruction” of the nation after the years of “tyranny”.

It is in the context of this copy of On whether the item is framed Borgeswhich by the way is one of the two main ones of the number (the other is “La hora de la verdad”, from victoria ocampo). The title of the Argentine writer’s text alludes to a play of the same name, written by the French playwright Pierre Corneille, in which the theme of theater in theater is approached, which is why it has a complex structure where illusions and misunderstandings multiply. In line with this perspective, Borges attempts to show the illusory character that Peronism would present. Let us then remember how he posed this supposedly fictitious condition from the outset, which ultimately would only hide another reality: “During years of opprobrium and foolishness, the methods of commercial propaganda and literature for janitors applied to the government of the republic. There were therefore two stories: one, of a criminal nature, made up of prisons, torture, prostitution, theft, death and fire; another, of a scenic nature, made up of absurdities and fables for the consumption of hoodlums. Approaching the examination of the second, perhaps no less detestable than the first, is the end of this page.

For Borges, this imaginary and false character that surrounded Peronism could already be observed from the beginning, from what is considered its date of foundation: “On October 17, 1945, it was simulated that a colonel had been arrested and kidnapped and that the people of Buenos Aires saved him; no one stopped to explain who kidnapped him or how his whereabouts were known. There were also no legal penalties for the alleged culprits, and their names were not revealed or conjectured.

In his article, Borges it also refers to other historical events closer in time, which is why it is worth reviewing some facts of the time. On June 16, 1955, during an attack by anti-Peronist forces, navy planes began a bombardment of the Plaza de Mayo, which resulted in many deaths and many injuries. From there, various events occurred. Among them, the one that should be taken into account for the purposes of this commentary is the resignation note dated August 30, 1955, led by person to the President of the Justicialista Party, Alexandre Leloir, where he offered his supposed resignation if it led to the pacification of the country. This led to a mobilization in the Plaza de Mayo on August 31, in which Perón gave one of his most memorable and impactful speeches (perhaps the best-known phrase is “And when the one of ours will fall, five of ours will fall (“they”).

how do you realize Borges in your article because of this? In the following way: “In ten years, representations have increased abundantly; with time grew disdain for the prosaic scruples of realism. On the morning of August 31, the colonel, already a dictator, pretended to resign from the presidency, but did not submit his resignation to Congress (…) No one, not even the personnel of the base units, was unaware that the purpose part of this maneuver was to force the people to beg him to withdraw his resignation. (…) Before nightfall, the dictator came out onto a balcony of the Casa Rosada. Predictably, they cheered him on; you forgot to resign or maybe you didn’t because everyone knew you would and it would have been a drag to insist. Instead, he ordered the listeners to indiscriminately kill opponents and they cheered him on once more. Although another fragment could be added, we understand that with quotes, it is enough to have a clear idea of ​​the character of the article.

Before concluding, we would like to reflect on an aspect that seems fundamental to us. The case of anti-Peronism Borges It is precisely that: a business. Argentinian literature, for many years, has been crossed by the Peronism/anti-Peronism antinomy. If it were just something from the past, with no importance in our present, one could interpret the texts and debates that reflect such opposition as colorful works and discussions, from other times. However, with certain transformations and adaptations, such an antinomy is still very valid today, going beyond the literary framework. For this reason, accounting for the different modulations that this opposition has acquired over time in various authors and works becomes an unavoidable task.

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